Suchergebnisse

Explored are the resources & experiences that M & F candidates bring to the local political arena & the characteristics that differentiate winners & losers of each sex. Based on a survey of candidates for suburban municipal offices (N = 56 M & 53 F questionnaire Rs), it is shown that M & F candidates obtain politically relevant skills from different sources. For F candidates, civic volunteerism provides the functional analogue to M occupational success. A comparison of winners & losers suggests different paths to political success for Ms & Fs. For Ms, success is related to social contacts with local politicians. For Fs, success is related to nonelective political involvement. 4 Tables. HA.

The 1972 Center for Political Studies US National Election Study (N ranges from 1,119 to 2,191) examined the greater propensity of adult & preadult Fs to give "don't know" (DK) responses to attitude questions than Ms. Based on 189 political attitude questions asked in 1972, a DK response rate was computed for each R. Sex differences in DK response rates are shown to be age-related, with sex differences being significantly greater among older Rs. The age relationship is shown to result from a generational rather than a life-cycle effect, with sex differences declining at higher levels of political knowledge & interest. Rs (N = 1,207) from the 1972 survey were reinterviewed in 1976 & a DK response rate was calculated for them based on 153 political attitude questions. The reliability of DK response rate over the four-year period was quite high (r = .58). 3 Tables. AA.

An investigation of the hypothesis that certain processes associated with economic development (urbanization, industrialization, increasing affluence, & increasing education) promote smaller sex differences in political participation. Also tested are the underlying assumptions that economic development stimulates: (1) more equitable distribution of resources for political participation, & (2) more egalitarian attitudes concerning women's political role. Data are derived from national election surveys in the US, GB, Norway, France, Germany, Italy, & Japan, & 8 different facets of campaign activity constitute the measures of political participation. The results only partially support the hypothesis & the two corrollaries. 3 Tables, 5 Figures, 2 Appendixes, 23 References. HA.

Sex differences in political behavior & interest have generally been investigated from the standpoint of socialization. By varying political situations (high stimulus & low stimulus) & holding other factors, eg, socialization, as constant as possible, the effects of situation on political interest for both Ms & Fs were explored. Siblings (N = 139), one in Coll & one who had never attended Coll, completed questionnaires about political interest, efficacy, information, & participation. Sibling pairs were either: M in Coll, F not; F in Coll, F not; or F in Coll, M not. It was hypothesized that the sibling in Coll (a high stimulus political environment) would show greater political interest, efficacy, information, & participation than the sibling not in Coll, regardless of sex. The hypothesis was confirmed. 1 Table. K. Rotherham.

A 1981 follow-up of Rs to a 1971/72 high school survey revealed sex differences in the relative deviance & drug involvement of original Rs who were subsequently lost to the panel (N = 237 of the original 1,333). As expected, men who were reinterviewed were less deviant than those not interviewed, while the opposite was observed among women; specification by race indicates that the F pattern applies especially to nonwhites. The paradoxical finding for Fs may result from changing marital status in that particular period of the life cycle & an inverse relationship between delinquency & marriage. 3 Tables, 13 References. Modified AA.

As more women attempt to enter the private labor market &, more particularly, find themselves without employment, information on how they fare in various governmental job programs becomes especially important. An analysis of data gathered through interviews in 1978/79 of Comprehensive Employment & Training Act VI participants (N = 443) in Milwaukee, Wisc, indicates that women, especially blacks, often experience greater need but less placement activity on their behalf, & receive lower quality employment than their M counterparts. To the extent that the findings hold elsewhere, there is a need to develop policies that eliminate the obstacles women encounter in participating in public jobs programs. 9 Tables. Modified HA.

Social scientists who have compared the treatment of M & F defendants in court have reached contradictory conclusions. Convicting & sentencing data on 29,000 felony cases heard between 1968 & 1979 for black & white M & F defendants in one large northeastern US city are examined to determine if F defendants are treated more leniently, more harshly, or no differently than M defendants. The analysis reveals an interaction between race & sex that has heretofore gone unnoticed. While black women are less likely than black men to be incarcerated or sentenced harshly, their sentences are comparable to those of white men. Implications for future research, as well as suggestions for a reevaluation of past research that has ignored the variable of sex when studying effects of race on sentencing, are provided. 1 Table, 26 References. Modified HA

While many suggestions have been offered to explain why US women tend to participate in political activities less than men, seldom have these explanations been subjected to a rigorous examination. Here, three plausible explanations drawn from prior research are discussed: (1) the political socialization process that discourages women from playing an active political role; (2) the family responsibilities that keep some women home & out of the LF (the "situational" explanation); & (3) the overrepresentation of women in demographic groups that have low participation levels (the "structural" explanation). The latter two explanations are tested directly using data from the Survey Research Center, U of Michigan, election studies of 1952, 1964, 1972. Once situational & structural variables are controlled, there are no systematic differences in levels of M-F participation. In light of these findings, the validity of the political socialization explanation is discussed. 3 Tables. HA.

Differences between Ms & Fs in attitudes toward violence are explored, utilizing data collected from the US population by 6 national PO survey organizations. Responses to 214 questions posed over the past 50 years reveal significant differences between the sexes, with men typically being more favorable to violence & also less likely to give a "don't know" response. Feminist ideology does not appear to have reduced the extent of these sexual differences. 10 References. W. H. Stoddard.

See SA E8065/SWSA/1971/0135.